Ursula Haverbeck denied Auschwitz was a death camp and said the holocaust was “the biggest lie in history.” Only 500,000 Jews, not six million died in Nazi camps, and these mostly from disease. Continue reading Ursula Haverbeck
In November 1949, Eustace Mullins, 25, was a researcher in Washington DC when friends invited him to visit the famous American poet Ezra Pound, who was confined at St. Elizabeth’s Mental Hospital and listed as a “political prisoner.”
“No one who has been martyred by the Jews should remain unknown. And no one who has been martyred by the Jews will remain unavenged.” — Eustace Mullins
“In ‘My Life in Christ,’ I openly accused Lyndon Johnson, who was then President of America, of murdering my father, although he had only been acting for Herbert Lehman, the Jew who had been supporting his bid for the Presidency.”
Henry Makows review of the book “The Secrets of the Federal Reserve” by Eustace Mullins
“I believe that banking institutions are more dangerous to our liberties than standing armies.” —Thomas Jefferson
A leading figure in Modern English literature, Pound was the editor and critic who introduced the world to James Joyce, W.B. Yeats and T.S. Eliot. During the Second World War, he was charged with treason for broadcasts on Rome Radio that questioned the motives behind America’s involvement.
Pound commissioned Mullins to examine the influence of the banking establishment on U.S. policy.
The legendary historian Eustace Mullins dies, sadly, just one month before 87th birthday! He was admired world-wide & will be greatly missed!
Just after noon Central time, the legendary author of hundreds of books and pamphlets demolishing the lies of war-making mainstream media, historian Eustace Mullins died Tuesday, Feb. 2, 2010, at the home of his caretaker in a small town in Texas.
Mullins, who would have been 87 on March 9th, suffered a stroke three weeks ago in Columbus, Ohio. He had been on an extended tour of his admirers for much of the past year, visiting and chatting with many of his thousands of fans who jumped at the chance to buy his books from him in person.
(Note: Eustace attended a party, held in honour of his 80th birthday, at the infamous Jekyll Island Hotel in Georgia. He accepted a glass of wine – contrary to his lifestyle & better judgement – after which he did not feel well. He said that when he got into his car to leave the hotel, he had 5 accidents before he even got out of the parking lot! When he got on the highway to head home he ended up on the wrong side of the highway and was pulled over by the police and resent on his way. He said this happened no less than 13 times?!?!? Now unless they wanted you to have a head-on collision, do you think the police would let you go 13 times?!? Eustace said his health went down hill ever since & has suffered several strokes since that fatefull night.)
The author of such incendiary books as “Secrets of the Federal Reserve,” “Murder by Injection,” and “The Curse of Canaan,” Mullins was harassed by the FBI for almost a half century, and had one of his books burned in Germany in the 1950s. These stories are recounted in one of his books, “A Writ for Martyrs.”
A protege of the imprisoned patriotic poet Ezra Pound, Mullins compiled a well-researched corpus of works that detailed the passage down through time of a hereditary group of banker killers who have essentially ruled the world from behind the scenes since ancient times.
For over a decade Dr. John Wilson has taken court action seeking to have judges, government and banks obey the law. As his Website explains:
“The banks have corrupted parliaments and courts in order to achieve their seemingly invincible position. Through the parliaments, banks have set in place legislation which forms the blue print and provides the means to realize their goal.
However, such legislation can only be enforced through the courts where, if justice were to prevail, bad laws would be vetoed and rejected in fair trials or tribunals. That is why the banks have to have dominance over the courts. They do this by firstly controlling the judges and secondly eliminating juriesâ€”thereby removing any possibility that the judges may “do right” or that the people may exercise their will.
Human (name): John Anthony Hill.
Human (birth): Sheffield, England, 1948.
Spirit-being (names): Muadâ€™Dib / JAH / Elijah
As many of you will know, Muadâ€™Dib is the producer of the film “7/7 Ripple Effect“, and He was arrested in Ireland for the ‘crime’ of sending DVDâ€™s of the film to the judge and jury of the first trial of three men: Waheed Ali, 25, Sadeer Saleem, 28, and Mohammed Shakil, 32, who were being tried at Kingston Crown Court, England, wrongfully accused of helping the four designated patsies of the London 7/7/2005 bombings who were; in reality; victims, as much as all the others who died and/or were injured and traumatized that day.
Muadâ€™Dib has been falsely and hypocritically accused of ‘attempting to pervert the course of justice’, when the film; and the act of sending copies of it to those in charge of delivering a verdict; are all about STRAIGHTENING the course of justice, which the U.K. authorities are perverting.
Sending proof of someone’s innocence should NEVER be a crime.
LLTF (Long Live The Fighters [For God/Good]),
The Fremen (Freemen).
By Gabriel Oâ€™Hara
Recently, a man named Anthony John Hill was arrested and is now being corruptly and forcefully extradited to nazi-London where He will stand trial for the heinous crime of:Â sending a DVD to a courthouse.Â Yes… Really.
We met with John Anthony Hill who got arrested for mailing a DVD (with no letter attached) to a UK court from Ireland (reported by the Irish Times). John is also the producer and narrator of this DVD.
Mr Hill, 60 years old, showed us his arrest warrant and gave us permission to pass on information contained in it. The maximum sentence on the warrant is Life Imprisonment in England. John had his computer and other property seized which is why he requested other people to help him as he is not able to defend him self properly as a result. The phony charge is possibly fabricating evidence that might cause injustice and this is from the same country that helped put people in Guantanamo and other torture facilities world-wide. The DVD only contains main stream media news (BBC, ITV, New York Times etc) and the small remainder is his political opinion which as of yet no one is legally supposed to be extradited for, within the EU. The DVDs were also never given to the Judge or Foreman of the trail which is to do with 3 men never mentioned in the DVD. Regardless if you agree or disagree with the contents of this documentary anyone who values freedom would see there is an injustice being carried out here.
Johnâ€™s court case is on this Thursday at the four courts in Dublin. Having a gathering outside would not change anything inside the court but it might get the media to shine more light on this injustice. John is asking anyone who is not working that day (this Thursday the 19th) to come along at 1:30pm, and any who can take a half day. Iâ€™m not sure if handing out his DVD or flyers with information contained in the DVD on the street would be WELCOMED by the court, but it is not yet illegal to hand out free materials on the public streets of Dublin that does not promote a commercial event. Anyone who has the technical abilities to make copies or photocopy information and is able to come along might want to think of doing so. The documentary is available free on the Google videos and Youtube, 7/7 Ripple Effect. Perhaps spread this on forums and contact the media if you think it is a good idea or better yet come up with your own peaceful ideas.
Iâ€™m sure you would want support too if injustice was being carried out against you, but you should only help because you want to.
The Damn water is Ours!
In a defining struggle against globalization, the people of Cochabamba,
Bolivia took back their water from the hands of a corporate conglomerate.
Marcela LÃ³pez Levy talked to the water warriors.
The writing is on the wall for water privatization: Marcelo Rojas on the streets of Cochabamba.
Through the chaos of tear gas, smoke and flying police truncheons, Marcelo Rojas saw the Bolivian flag carried at the front of the march waver and fall.
â€˜I saw how [the carrier] was beaten down by the police and couldnâ€™t bear to see the flag fall, so I dived in there. I had to wrest it away from the police, and they hit me. I managed to escape even though I couldnâ€™t breathe from the tear gas, and I suddenly realized all my friends were gone. But I had the flag, and from that moment on I wouldnâ€™t let go of it.â€™ He was to hang on to that flag for the days of street battles to come, acquiring the nickname Banderas (â€˜Flagsâ€™) as he became the standard-bearer of Boliviaâ€™s water wars.
In April 2000 Rojas, a young man of 22, had gone with some friends to join a rally to protest against water privatization in his city, Cochabamba.
The year before, the World Bank had pressurized the Bolivian Government into privatizing water companies. It refused credit to the public company which ran the water services, recommended â€˜no public subsidiesâ€™ to cushion against price hikes, and insisted on giving a monopoly to Aguas del Tunari, part of the British company International Water Ltd, in turn owned by the US engineering giant Bechtel.
The new owners, who had been granted a 40-year concession, announced price hikes before they even began operations; in a region where the minimum wage is under $100 per month, people faced increases of $20 per month and more.
Peasants now had to buy permits to collect rainwater from their own wells and roof tanks. Many people could only get water for two hours a day. All autonomous water systems had to be handed over without compensation.
In response thousands joined the moblizations; old and young, seasoned activists and those usually too busy surviving to get politically involved.
â€˜I had never taken any interest in politics before,â€™ Marcelo says. â€˜My father is a politician, and I thought it was all about cutting deals. But to see people fighting for their water, their rights, made me realize there was a common good to defend, that the country canâ€™t be left in the hands of the politicians.
â€˜Carrying the flag, I became a symbol, someone to follow, even though I was not a leader; there were 200 young people who fought alongside me who wouldnâ€™t let me go home. I couldnâ€™t let them down.â€™ Instead, he had to choose between his loyalty to his new comrades and his family: â€˜I rang my mother to tell her I was OK and she said if I didnâ€™t come home there and then, I shouldnâ€™t bother to go back at all. She was so upset, but I had to stay.â€™
There was a price to pay for his visibility: he was arrested and tortured by the police after the end of the protests. â€˜Now I realize that we have to struggle to make our country better.â€™
He was one of hundreds of young people who became known as the â€˜water warriorsâ€™. At the front of every subsequent march they built barricades to ensure protest was not extinguished. They chased the police back into their barracks and at one point actually re-took the main city square after the armed forces occupied it.
Many of them come from comfortable backgrounds, attend university, have jobs, however precarious. At the barricades, they met people from all walks of life. As Juan GÃ³mez, a 17-year-old, told me: â€˜We shared the barricades with street children, with poor kids and old people who have nowhere to go; all these things make you think.â€™ These experiences changed and radicalized a new generation in Cochabamba.
Herbert Letelier, another â€˜water warriorâ€™, explained: â€˜Weâ€™ve been fighting against the system, not just against Aguas del Tunari; the poverty, the lack of work, the rising cost of living, then the water-tariff hikes’ I have been made aware of the social differences between people in Bolivia, the gap between rich and poor.â€™
Their confrontation with the system has taught them to be wary of power and of blandishments. They resisted offers from political parties which arrived bearing gifts of money; they won the respect of their elders; they faced a military ready to wound and kill; they listened to the political activists who tried to incorporate them in their struggles, the church, the revolutionary parties; they dealt with the undercover intelligence officers who tried to deflect their aim. They listened to all and learnt from them, going along with none. As Marcelo Rojas put it: â€˜You have to act with the heart, but you always have to think first.â€™
Many of them look back on their experience in the thick of battle at the barricades as the moment theyâ€™re most inspired by, where they learnt to share, to protect the weak and to stand up and be counted.
Oscar Olivera, a factory labourer and the main spokesperson for the protests, gave thanks publicly to these young women and men, â€˜without whom the people of Cochabamba could not have stood up for their rightsâ€™.
Olivera was a prominent member of the Coordinadora â€“ Coordination for the Defense of Water and Life â€“ a unique coalition of labour activists, rural organizations, the coca growers of nearby ChaparÃ©, politicians, non-governmental organizations, local professionals and young people. Olivera explains:
â€˜We contacted campesinos, people from the barrios, everyone…
â€˜The people look at water as something sacred, a right, not something to be sold,â€™ he says.
The Coodinadora organized the first protest in December 1999, when 20,000 people occupied the central plaza. The Government used teargas against them for the first time in 18 years.
For two months no-one paid their water bills.
Then in February, when negotiations broke down, the Coordinadara called for a symbolic seizure of the central square, the plaza. This time, 30,000 turned up. Police fired on the crowd: 175 people were injured and two youths were blinded.
Olivera says: â€˜On 26 March we conducted a consultation in the Cochabamba area served by the water company. Did they want a contract, the law privatizing water, increases in the water bills? Ninety-six per cent said no to all these. Fifty thousand people voted. On 4 April an indefinite roadblock began.â€™
The protests had come together so quickly that some in Cochabamba thought that â€˜the Coordinadoraâ€™ was one woman; an old man came every morning to the barricades in the main square, wanting to congratulate her.
On Saturday 8 April 30,000 were in the plaza when martial law was declared.
President Banzer imposed a state of siege and sent in crack military units.
The TV cameras focused on a man on bent knee, rifle pointed, eye in the sights, in civilian clothes. He was army captain Iriarte La Fuente, shooting into the Cochabamba demonstrators. Banderas said: â€˜I became aware of sharpshooters pointing at my face, and then I felt the shots near me; there are three bullet holes in the flag I was carrying. More than one person fell. I saw that, I was there.â€™ Jorge Crespo, a 17-year-old boy, was killed; many more were injured.
â€˜After the kid died and the others got shot,â€™ says Olivera, â€˜people were incensed. There were more than 80,000 in the streets.â€™ The official line was that the protesters were drug traffickers. Indignant old ladies blockading the streets said: â€˜What, us, drug dealers?â€™
The company cleared out its desks, its computers, its files, and made a rapid exit from the country. La Coordinadora talked with a government delegation and they agreed that the water contract should be broken. Now that the water is controlled by the people, Olivera says: â€˜The water is sweet.â€™
Meanwhile, in Washington’
A few days later, on 16 April, thousands of protesters were blockading the World Bank and International Monetary Fund meetings in downtown Washington DC. World Bank Director James Wolfensohn was asked about the Cochabamba problem. He said that countries like Bolivia need â€˜a proper system of chargingâ€™ and that there was no option but to pay international prices for a valuable resource.
As Jim Schulz of Cochabambaâ€™s Democracy Center points out: â€˜Water users in the wealthy suburbs surrounding Washington, home to many World Bank economists, pay approximately $17 per month for water â€“ less than what many families were asked to pay after water was privatized in this part of South Americaâ€™s poorest country.â€™
Jim walked through the teargas-filled streets of Washington that morning with Oscar Olivera. â€˜I asked the 45-year-old machinist what he thought of the nationâ€™s capital. ‘It looks just like Cochabamba,’ he told me. ‘Young people and police everywhere.’â€™
Marcela LÃ³pez Levy is an Argentinian researcher and editor
at the Latin America Bureau (www.lab.org.uk) and author
of The Bolivia Profile (2001, Oxfam).
I Bolivias tredje største by, Cochabamba, tok alminnelige mennesker tilbake vannet sitt fra forretningskonglomeratet etter at Verdensbanken hadde presset den bolivianske regjeringen til å privatisere den offentlige vannforsyningen. Etter å ha nektet det offentlige vannselskapet kreditt, forlangte banken at Agaus del Tunari, en del av International Water Limited, et britisk basert selskap som er halveid av den amerikanske ingeniørgiganten Bechtel, fikk monopol. Selskapet fikk konsesjon for førti år og hevet øyeblikkelig prisen på vann. I et land der minstelønnen er under 100 dollar i måneden, fikk folk vannregninger som gikk opp med 20 dollar pr måned â€“ det er mer enn vannbrukerne i de velstående forstedene i Washington betaler, der mange av Verdensbankens økonomer bor. I Cochabamba ble selv det å samle regnvann ulovlig uten tillatelse. Så de organiserte seg, unge og gamle, aktivister og folk som tidligere hadde vært for opptatt med å overleve til å engasjere seg. Å se folk slåss for vannet sitt, retten sin, fikk meg til å skjønne at det fantes et felles gode å forsvare â€“ at landet ikke kan overlates til politikerne.
Marcelo Rojas, en av lederne, ble arrestert og torturert av politiet, i likhet med mange unge mennesker som bygget barrikader og beskyttet de gamle da myndighetene gikk til angrep. De overtok byen, og de vant. Regjeringen rev i stykker kontrakten og selskapet ryddet skrivebordene sine. Store seire av det slaget, over hele verden, står ikke på medienes dagsorden. Du får ikke lese om det.
Etter en artikkel av John Pilger
Forfatteren John Pilger er en av verdens mest anerkjente undersøkende journalister og produsent av dokumentarfilmer.
Â«Det som gjør John Pilger til en virkelig stor journalist, er hans samvittighet og mot.Â»
Artikkelen er innsendt og ilrettelagt av Alf Monsen, Bergen, og er litt forkortet.
Currently on trial in Holland under immense police pressure in Belgium. Endured numerous police raids and business boycotts.
Background and contribution:
The most dynamic Revisionist in Belgium and maybe all of Europe, Verbeke published numerous books, booklets, magazines and tracts for European Revisionists. Verbeke is now himself on trial, together with Dr. Faurisson – accused of cutting into the financial profits of the Anne Frank Foundation because of their books and texts critical of the Anne Frank Diary. Both are currently appealing a Dutch verdict. Verbeke seems undeterred by numerous police raids. Europe-wide, he carries on with a vigorous mass circulation, grassroots-based Revisionist Truth-in-History campaign in several European languages.
Became the target of several Royal Canadian Mounted Police raids. Resigned from his job as crematory director after receiving endless threats by anonymous callers and from thugs claiming to be the Jewish Defense League.
Background and contribution:
A crematory expert from Calgary, Alberta, who had been responsible for the disposing of 10,000 bodies in his career, Lagace finally sorted out – publicly and in open court – all the fanciful lies about the Germans supposedly “cremating multiple corpses in single corpse retorts” in Auschwitz, Birkenau and elsewhere. Lagace’s testimony put an end to the wild claims by so-called “death camp survivors” about “. . . cremating bodies in five minutes” etc. His testimony – together with Fred Leuchter’s findings as well as the lab results presented by Dr. James Roth of Alpha Laboratories from the soil and rock samples Leuchter had brought from Auschwitz to the USA – spelled the death knell of fanciful “survivor” claims. Lagace was raided by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police in his crematory office where he was making notes and keeping photographs taken for future court cases hidden in a container for human ashes. ZÃ¼ndel witness in the Great Holocaust Trial of 1988.
Politiet beslagla alt datautstyr til Arve Kirkevik fra Osterøy. Dette sto på trykk i Bygdanytt den 27. august d.å. Grunnen til det var at han hadde lagt ut på internett pasientjournalen til Arnold Juklerød.
Sammen med mange andre fulgte Kirkevik Arnold Juklerøds kamp fra Gaustad sinnssykehus mot det trehodede trollet: Psykiatri, rettsvesen og politi.